Good article and
I espouse the former of the two views expressed. In my “humble”
view,
-----Original Message-----
From: hscenews@yahoogroups.com
[mailto:hscenews@yahoogroups.com] On Behalf
Of Pix Mahler
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2006
12:52 PM
To: hscenews@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [hscenews]
Fwd:"Haiti's hope and search for a president"
Interesting editorial.
----- Forwarded message from pix@...
-----
Date: Wed, 11 Jan 2006 13:37:23
-0500
From: pix@...
Reply-To: pix@...
Subject: Recommended: "Haiti's hope and
search for a president"
To:
pix@...
Click here to read this story online:
http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0111/p09s02-coop.html
Headline: Haiti's hope and search for a
president
Byline: Kathie Klarreich
Date: 01/11/2006
(PORT-AU-PRINCE, HAITI)Reading the political
situation in Haiti is not unlike
trying to figure
out which came first, the chicken or the egg. One
line of thinking says
that no matter which candidate wins the troubled
Haitian elections, the
new administration will fail because the country
is infested with
corruption, criminal activity, and an inept
security force. The other
believes that the only way to stabilize Haiti is
to install a
legitimate government dedicated to providing
security in defiance of
political and economic pressure to keep the status
quo.
Thirty-five presidential hopefuls have lined up to
take on this
Herculean task of righting a country that has seen
nearly a dozen
governments in the past 20 years. But the one
candidate who has pulled
away from the pack of politicians, alleged drug
traffickers,
ex-military officers, honest well-wishers, and
government officials is
former president Rene Preval. The agronomist is
the country's only
president to be democratically elected and to have
completed his
five-year tenure, sandwiched between the two
truncated terms of
Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
Mr. Preval's popularity can in part be attributed
to leaving office
without alienating large sectors - not the wealthy
ruling class, the
peasants, urban and rural poor, or the de facto
security forces. And
his bookkeeping is clean. Since 2000, he has lived
in his small
hometown of Marmalade, where he runs agricultural
development projects,
a wind instrument music project, and provides
communal cybernet access.
Once considered a close associate of the deposed
Mr. Aristide, Preval
is now running as an independent and leading the
polls, although there
is concern that he is still connected to armed
groups that supported
Aristide.
But it will take more than popular support for
Preval to neutralize
forces that have made Haiti one of the most
corrupt countries in the
world. To be fair, the entire nation is not
paralyzed by criminal
activity, though nearly everyone suffers from the
paltry $300 annual
average household income, 50 percent illiteracy
rate, dearth of roads,
a nonexistent healthcare system, and all but
inoperable public schools.
The main source of Haiti's problems is concentrated
in the capital, a
sprawling metropolis of more than 2 million people
who live with
extended blackouts, sporadic and often violent
demonstrations, and
constant shooting. Despite the presence of several
thousand United
Nations troops, Port-au-Prince is also saddled
with a proliferation of
kidnappings, which average 10 a day. No one is
immune. Everyone is fair
game, in any part of town, and for any price. Even
a presidential
candidate was kidnapped; ransoms range from less
than a hundred dollars
to tens of thousands. And the UN, whose mission is
peacekeeping and not
peacemaking, has done little to neutralize gang
warfare. Instead its
presence has stirred resentment toward its armored
vehicles,
bulletproof vests, and point-and-shoot cameras
with which they snap
photos during patrol.
The new government will also have to drain the
poison from the
6,000-strong Haitian National Police. Even Police
Chief Mario Andersol
says his institution is a failure. Since he took
office several months
ago, the youthful-looking Mr. Andersol has
arrested dozens of officers
and linked dozens more to criminal activity, but
he's worried that when
this interim government leaves, the criminals he
has arrested will
break free.
Several thousand prisoners escaped with the 2004 departure
of Aristide,
and only 100 were recaptured. Haiti's judicial
system operates on
bribes and payoffs, and until there is an end to
impunity, prosecution
is of no concern to the perpetrators. Without an
intense crackdown on
guns and drugs smuggled across the porous border,
and the unprotected
shoreline, or recycled through the former
military, there's little
chance of peace.
In a country where anomaly is as prolific as
presidential candidates,
Preval is unique in his reticence to campaign. His
strategists say his
record stands for itself, but those who might lose
a grip on their
fiefdom will not go down willingly. Some
candidates have vowed to
support each other in the event of a runoff, but
Preval is not part of
that group. To govern with any credibility and
effectiveness whoever is
elected must unite key groups which have
traditionally worked to
undermine one another: politicians, business
leaders, the elite, the
poor, former military, and the international community.
Somehow the new government must institutionalize
the rule of law,
cleaning up a system that has held hostage the
majority of an otherwise
peace-loving country. For too long 6 million
residents outside the
nation's capital have barely managed to make do
without any real form
of representation.
* Kathie Klarreich, author of 'Madame Dread: A
Tale of Love, Vodou and
Civil Strife in Haiti,' a memoir on Haiti, has
lived in and covered
Haiti for nearly 20 years.
(c) Copyright 2006 The Christian Science
Monitor. All rights reserved.
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